Peasant Suicides in Punjab

On The Struggles and Achievements

On the question of Peasant Suicides in Punjab

Special Correspondent

Like all the pockets of the so called green revolution in the country the phenomenon of peasant (agriculture labourers included) suicides is on the rise in Punjab also. The phenomenon as such reached its climax and became the most glaring manifestation of the deep-rooted crisis of the peasantry later on but actually it had started coming into existence in the decade of nineties itself –with the fading of green revolution on the one hand and with the adoption of so called new economic policies by the rulers of the country on the other hand. The former meant: fall in the per acre yield and in the total productivity, hence in the real income of the peasants. The latter meant: terms of trade being tilted against the agrarian sector resulting in many fold increase in the prices of the agricultural inputs as compared to the prices of the major crops, thus making  agriculture highly none-remunerative; fast dwindling state investment and subsidy support in agriculture; further alienation of land through acquisitions and through unbearable indebtedness and pauperization of the peasantry, thus aggravating existing scarcity of land with the lower layers of the peasantry lack of proper support-structure in case of crop failure owing to spurious seeds and pesticides etc. apart from natural disasters; further shrinkage of work-opportunities for the agri-labourer and the landless peasants as well as rise in general unemployment of the sons and daughters of  peasants. And above all, further squeezing of the cheap sources of loans for lower wrungs of peasantry and consequently throwing the hapless peasamt pauperised because of above factors before rapacious money lender, who ultimately devours not only the entire earnings of the peasant, not only his land, but also his life, thus becomes the chief culprit in the matter.

            In this context, fighting for the permanent solution to the phenomenon meant fighting in the direction of removing all of the above mentioned factors responsible for the phenomenon and ultimately making the peasantry crisis-free by way of abolishing landlordism, usury and exploitation by the native/foreigner big capitalists. As the  phenomenon of suicides had not come to light as yet, it could not be taken up as an issue of struggle then, still the fight against above mentioned factors responsible for the phenomenon had started taking shape in the very nineties. Distancing from the slogan of connecting the prices of crops with the price- index so vociferously propagated by the pro-landlord leadership of the  BKU–Lakhowal and Rajewal factions and to some extent established in the ranks of the organizations was being made on the part of some sections  of the peasant leaderships still within the organization led by Pishora Singh Sidhupur and instead the efforts were being made by these sections to bring peasant indebtedness on to the immediate agenda of struggle. Section led by the present leadership of BKU(Ekta)-Ugrahan then representing the leadership at district levels in the then organization was most steadfast among those determinedly giving inner-organisational fight against  the vacillating leadership and valiantly fighting against the class-enemy and the state administration on the issues, sometimes single-handedly, sometimes with its firm ally the Punjab Khet Mazdoor Union (PKMU) and at other times in joint activity with other peasant and agricultural-labour unions.

Consequently, there were a lot of  agitations and struggles on the indebtedness-related issues of various hues, about all ending with positive results. For example thousands of cases of embezzlement of accounts by the commission agents (as money lenders) were settled in favour of peasants  saving them of  huge burden of debt in each case; the prevalent practice of police interventions (in favour of money lenders) stands stopped everywhere, esp. where some or the other peasant organization exists; arrests of the peasants for recovery of back loans were prevented in thousands of cases and hundreds of arrested peasants in this context got released from jail under the pressure of militant agitations and the practice now  is as good as stopped, though  the governments have not repealed the concerned clauses of the law; Innumerable cases of debt related land attachments/auctions had been stopped in so many decades thus saving lacs of acres of land from the clutches of money lenders; even the attachments being made now a days in the revenue offices are also being successfully opposed, though the  process of ordering fresh attachments/auctions continues unabated; furthermore, in the years May 2006 to 2008 and again in 2010 to 2011 serious efforts of the governments at forcibly acquiring lands were successfully rebuffed through valiant struggles made through joint activities of various peasant and agri-labour organizations resulting in compelling governments in some cases to increase the compensation to the satisfaction of the peasants ; in several cases retracting the notifications; in some capitalists or companies not coming forward sensing the heat of the situation and in one case giving back a portion of the notified land to the original owners , as well as giving compensation of three lacs  to each family of agri-labourers and others whose employment was effected due to the acquisition. Above all  the congress and the Akali Dal both had to change the policy of forcibly acquiring the lands. Some of these struggles had been prestigious and outstanding struggles in the recent history of peasant movements in Punjab in which the then govts had to eat an humble pie as they took them as an issue of prestige. In some of them government resorted to severe repression against the BKU(ekta) Ugrahan with the intention to suppress it but in vain.

When in 2005—06 the phenomenon of suicides as such came to light the BKU (Ekta) Ugrahan took it seriously and resolved to make it an issue of active struggle. For doing so it immediately conducted survey of suicides by going door to door in which it found 3389 cases (both peasant and agri-labour) of suicides , on the basis of which it calculated more than 40 thousand suicides in the state in between 1991 to  2007 .Then it prepared a proposal for the permanent solution of the problem and a draft bill for the pro-peasant law both of which were accepted by five peasant organizations and were projected  by them at the September 19 , 2006 joint rally at Chandigarh having participation of more than 15000. And then both these documents were  given to all the legislative members who were to participate in special session on the issue called by  the then congress govt. led by Captain Amrinder Singh. For publically highlighting the issue and mobilizing the aggrieved families, it organized a successful public hearing in Bathinda in which renowned economists and social activists were called. The hearing was a great success.

A salient point regarding the survey of the suicides was that till then nobody bothered about the suicides of the agricultural labourers .The economists of universities were not aware of it, the govt. did not bother about it and none else did. But by dint of its concrete survey it influenced the economists about these suicides. The PKMU substantiated it through a survey of 26 villages in Muktsar district, which found 101 cases in one district alone. Influenced by these figures the economists surveyed the cases of agri-labour suicides and found 2927 cases in between 2002 to 2011. Ultimately the government had to concede the fact. Another unattended factor, in this regard was the plight of those peasants who lost their entire land and became landless. BKU (Ekta) Ugrahan conducted sample survey in the villages under its influence and found that 18% of the peasants have lost their entire land. Further, it worked out the concrete demands of this section including the return of their lands. Then it chalked out plans to draw them in the ongoing peasant struggles

 So for as the question of launching practical movement on the question is concerned, the union seems quite clear about one thing that the direction of the movement on the issues flows quite opposite to the basic interest of the section of the ruling classes and their policies as represented by their respective governments and their administrations, so they will not allow the voice to be raised in favour of such demands, what to speak of launching struggles on them. It is quite clear to the union from its own experience as to how the money lenders of Rama Mandi on being annoyed at their failure to consummate the land attachment in one case tried to hire goons to get a senior leader of the union killed. A senior officer of the police wished to kidnap the same leader for the same reason and harm him physically and the Badal govt. started a reign of terror for more than a month to demolish the union for the simple reason that it wanted to launch a peaceful 4 day sit-in on the above mentioned demands. So, the fight on these demands cannot be simple and straight. It is  bound to be tortuous, complicated, prolonged and bloody one. The union also seems to know that these demands being so closely linked to the lives and basic class interests of the overwhelming majority of the peasantry and almost entire section of the agricultural  labourers, it is not so easy for rulers to brow-beat them if the union treads cautiously ; applies massline correctly; prepares the whole organisation politically, organisationally and mentally; feels never satisfied with the already mobilised masses, reaches out to newer and newer sections esp. the concerned ones; raises the tempo of the movement through a process and puts pressure on the government in advantageous situations on the basis of fully mobilised forces. It is the pattern on which it achieved so many successes on the question of indebtedtness, land attachments, and acquisitions of land etc. It is the same pattern on which it had pressurised the Badal govt. in 2009 and 2011 to concede ( in the form of written official letters) Rs. 2 lacs as compensation to the aggrieved families, along with a govt. Job to one member each of such families; it  was made to get the survey conducted through the universities, to count suicides of agricultural labourers in such surveys; to give compensation to the families of those who committed suicide not because of indebtedness, but because of economic distress and got the official letter for the D.C.’s of the discussion to see through such cases and give the compensation. Though the govt. did not implement its own assurances and commitments, it exposed its own class character and its relations with the peasantry; it gave solid material to the union to expose its real class character and relation with people and it helped the union to provide consciousness about their rights and their relation with the ruling parties and their govts. And ultimately it had to implement many of its major commitments under the pressure of the 6 day-night sit-in of thousands of peasants and agri-labourers and on seventh day gherao of the the entire mini-secretariat of Bathinda (encompassing offices of the DC, ADC, SSP, IG and DIG etc). It had to pay in cash under pressure more than eighty crores as compensation to the aggrieved families; it had to pay Rs.3 lacs to each of more than hundred of agri-labour families as compensation for their loss of employment during the acquisition of land for Gobindpura thermal plant. It had to concede possession of more than 125 plots to the agri-labourers and had to give letters for the possession of thausands of plots for them throughout Punjab (though it retracted from it under the excuse of code of conduct) and it had to accept many of the practical demands of the agricultural labourers regarding Manrega, PDS and Shagan Schemes etc. It all has worked in the direction of establishing their faith in struggle and their faith in the leadership and it has enhanced the prestige of the leadership. All this had not only enlarged the number of women folk in the movement, rather it had added to the militancy of the movement, because of the participation of the most oppressed women section of the aggrieved families and lastly it had made a dent in the cast-bias and had brought the peasants and the agricultural labourers much closer to each other. A clear proof of it came forward when the govt. retracted from giving plots to the  agri-labourers on the excuse  of code of conduct, the peasant activists rushed enmasse to their colonies for mobilising the workers for plots. As a result of mobilised support from 62 villages in Mansa and an adhock district committee was formed in Barnala, where PKMU had no units before.

      The struggle goes on. It is the election year in Punjab. Both opposition parties the cong. and AAP are raising voice on the question of peasant indebtedness and suicides. Some of the peasant organisations have launched sit-in struggles on this issue.

       The BKU (Ekta) Ugrahan is also in the field, it is the 16th day of its state level morcha (in the form of a massive sit-in). Something positive is expected to come out.

13-06-2016